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UK's Crime and Policing Act 2026 Reignites Fight Over Sex Work Criminalisation

The Crime and Policing Act 2026 received Royal Assent in April, capping a fight over a cluster of amendments that would have criminalised paying for sex and operating adult advertising websites. Here's what was actually proposed, who lined up on each side, and why the debate isn't as settled as either side claims.

UK's Crime and Policing Act 2026 Reignites Fight Over Sex Work Criminalisation
Autor post James Whitaker

Last update: Aug 28, 2026

Reading time: 6 min

The Crime and Policing Act 2026 received Royal Assent on 29 April, closing out more than a year of parliamentary passage that the Minister for Crime and Policing described as the biggest overhaul of Britain's crime-fighting powers in a generation. Buried inside a bill covering everything from anti-social behaviour to terrorism, one set of proposed changes became a genuine flashpoint: a cluster of amendments that would have reshaped how England and Wales treat commercial sex work.

What Was Actually Proposed

Backbench MP Tonia Antoniazzi tabled three connected new clauses during the bill's committee stage in early 2025. The first would have made it a criminal offence to enable or profit from another person's sex work, explicitly including operating a website that hosts adverts for sexual services. The second would have criminalised paying for sex outright — the approach commonly known as the Nordic or Swedish model, in place in Sweden since 1999. The third moved in the opposite direction, proposing to repeal the offence of loitering or soliciting for the purposes of prostitution under the Street Offences Act 1959, a law that currently applies only to the person selling sex, not the buyer.

A Rare Alliance Against the Advertising Clause

The proposal to criminalise adult services websites drew opposition from an unusually wide coalition. The National Police Chiefs' Council's own guidance states that most listings on these platforms come from independent providers rather than trafficking operations, and police witnesses told committee that shutting the sites down would make intelligence-gathering harder, not easier — pointing to France's experience after a similar law took effect there. Sex worker safety charities including National Ugly Mugs and the English Collective of Prostitutes argued that online advertising lets independent providers screen clients and work without a manager, and cited the US experience after the 2018 FOSTA-SESTA law, when a wave of platform shutdowns was followed by sex workers reporting lost income and reduced safety.

The Client-Criminalisation Question

The demand-side clause split opinion along more familiar lines. Groups including CARE and the APPG on Commercial Sexual Exploitation argued that criminalising buyers, paired with exit support, would shrink the market that fuels trafficking, and pointed to public backing for the approach in France. Opponents cited a 2019 review commissioned by Northern Ireland's own Department of Justice — which introduced client criminalisation in 2015 — finding reported assaults against sex workers had risen sharply in the two years afterward, with no clear evidence the law had reduced demand or trafficking.

Where the Clauses Ended Up

MPs voted on the advertising and demand clauses during report stage on 17 June 2025, alongside the proposal to repeal street soliciting offences. The Act that emerged from the Lords' final review in April 2026 runs to well over a hundred sections, with commencement staggered across several years rather than taking effect all at once — which means the practical scope of any surviving prostitution-related provisions is still becoming clear as secondary legislation is published. For providers and clients trying to track what's actually in force in England day to day, our guide to English escort law remains the clearer starting point, and we'll update our coverage as the relevant sections of the Act are formally commenced.

The Bottom Line

Whatever the final shape of these specific clauses, the debate itself reflects a genuine split in how Britain is thinking about sex work — between those who see advertising platforms and paid companionship as tools that let independent providers work more safely, and those who see the same tools as infrastructure for exploitation. Both sides cite real evidence from other countries; neither side's case is settled. It's a debate worth watching closely rather than assuming is over.


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